One of the main reasons we settled on our present course was to ma...
One of the main reasons we settled on our present
course was to make more plain and cogent our position and place in the class
struggle, and to reawaken the revolutionary cadres of our organization, and to
complete the unfinished job of bringing together our congress, a congress which
will serve to establish the position of the TDKP in the revolutionary struggle.
In order to achieve our goals we knew that the TKDP
had to reach out to the brave and loyal revolutionary communist cadres. However
in this struggle our efforts have been in vain and our ideals have been
unfulfilled. We cannot pretend that we have reached the goals we have set down
for ourselves at the start of our course. Not only have our ideals and goals
remain unfulfilled but they have also left the realm of reality. This is a time
for reorganization and more important self criticism of the organization.
Following on these lines we can summarize the experience of the TDKP as follows:
The Central Committee of the TDKP that was elected in
the founding congress of the organization suffered a massive setback in the 12th
of September coup. Not only was the central committee infiltrated and its
members detained, but the members gave a unsatisfactory effort under police custody.
In spite of this setback, and in the absence of any positive outlook or messages
from the leading members of the organization the youth wing of the
organization, in the prisons and in the outside did not accept defeat and
dissolve. Although in all the cadres of the party the effect of the setback was
felt, the organization did not distance itself from the revolutionary
struggles.
In this process of reorganization in the period after 1987 the cadres waited expectantly for the
organization to be renewed after the defeat, and instead of carrying out active
policies in the following congresses, they surrendered to the enemy, tailing
after MK which had left the country after they had served their time or at best
chose to stay silent. The members outside the Central Congress, the enlightened
militant and cadres could not find new solutions and could not formulate new
theories but were taken over by the old MK and the passive and legal party organization
that had its deciding organs outside our borders. The cadres chose to forget
that this tailing and passive stance constituted a crime committed against the
organization for any self respecting proletarian revolutionaries.
As the TDKP cadres were unable to carry out active
resistance against the taking over of their party, an active resistance that
was totally within their reach within the existing rules and regulations, it
would be foolish to expect them to organize a congress to restate their
existence. As the negative outlook and praxis of the first central committee
was compounded by the lack of organization necessary knowledge and the futile
attempts of reorganization of the revolutionary wing of the organization the
honest review of this failure at this first attempt was not carried out.
This period of inactivity and passivity in the TDKP
represents in all its true colors a period of opportunism, a period when the
revolutionary soul of the organization was extinguished, a organization that replaced
its revolutionary outlook by the opportunist outlook, and outlook which is
defined by being uncourageous, liberal and accommodating to the system
Born out of a movement like the “ Halkin Kurtulusu” a
movement of liberation for the masses, the organization was not only unable to
organize again and become active in the revolutionary struggle, but also having
been betrayed by its Central Committee it was unable to give birth to a new
movement.
After the period of defeat in the 12th of
September the revolutionary militants and cadres were unable to ask the party
for an explanation for the setback and as a result it was betrayed by its own
members. The old and defeated leaders of TDKP were free to lead the party in
their own defeatist route. This betrayal of the revolution was not a single
moment, but an ongoing process.
First with a left maneuver the parties most resistant
and militant parts of the party were defeated, and the youth part of the
organization was dissolved and they capped this process by the liquadationists
operation to legalize the party, a mode of action that was very consistent with
the overall aim of the liquadationists.
In these times of relegalization the vibrant parts of
the party were passivized, and were unable to resist the liquidation. The liqudation
was not carried out in a single step of dismemberment but step by step in a organized
attack that defeated and passivized the active forces of the TDKP that would
have actively resisted this legalized liquidation. EMEP had finished the
imprisonment of the TDKP and made its legalized switch permanent.
This overtaking and the substitution of the
revolutionary movement has managed to lay waste the revolutionary cadres and
the revolutionary zeal substituting these with legalism. Our original formulation of the solution to
the problem which was finding and revitalizing the old guard of the
organization is no longer valid, because the struggle for the revitalization of
the party cannot be fought with these cadres alone. Even in the case of we
finding and revitalizing the old cadres the main problem, the problem of
creating an illegal structure from the debris of legalism and the rotting
structure of the TDKP will stand and will in all likelihood be insurmountable.
If we follow down this route we will have accepted a route with only one
possible destination: failure.
The old cadres that we are mentioning is in all
likelihood in the majority is quite content from the security and the lack of
danger of the legal sphere, and will not undertake the struggle together with
us in the illegal sphere, and in an illegal structure it is not clear where and
how they will provided with their legal practices.
The myth of the
The old cadres in the absence of a real legal
background cannot wage a struggle for the retooling of the party with their own
legal guidelines and rules. These cadres that we are talking about have in the
majority not carried out any party responsibilities in the last 15 years,have
not served in any party organs and have declined paying their fees of
membership. Putting it differently according to the legal framework that now
stands the old cadres of the party cannot legitimately be called members.
TDKP had completed its historical mission and it had
consumed its revolutionary stance. A new regeneration was necessary and
justified. We now believe that this regeneration can only be over (replacing
the) cadres and militants of today, and by replacing the structure.
The question of regeneration only finds its true
significance when we put it as the problem of the regeneration and the
reorganization of all the revolutionary communists in
This motto of course is not new in substance. It is
not sheer coincidence that in the radio broadcast that was signaling the
liquidation of the party the official announcement was the party is where the
party member stays. The reduction of the party into unorganized unstructured
individuals is the other side of the coin in the struggle of the liquadationists.
THE SITUATION AS OF TODAY
The situation of the party has been reviewed and
discussed, and as a result we, as the members of the old cadre of the party,
have decided that the time of reorganization has arrived. With the positive
input of our past experience in our minds, and with a full detailed account of
our past mistakes and deficiencies, we as TDKP-YIO have undertaken the
responsibility to move forward together with all the other proletarian
revolutionaries of our country for the establishment of a revolutionary
communist party.
To surpass the experience of the TDKP in organizing a
new revolutionary communist party the organization and militancy within the
working class must be continued. The revolutionaries must be ever-ready and
ever prepared to organize on the lines of a party and must be in constant and
ever growing contact with the other proletarian revolutionaries. The revolutionaries
who are carriers of the TDKP experience must be instrumental in the rebuilding
of a new revolutionary communist party along with the other revolutionaries who
believe in the same ideals of communism. In this effort of surpassing the TDKP
organization in a new revolutionary organization, an effort which can only be
successful if all communists act in conjunction, the participation of the
progenitors of the TDKP movement is not only necessary, but they would be
repudiating their own existence if they do not take part in this effort.
However as a first and vital step of us joining this
collective effort of the communists, we must first organize among ourselves. In
order to carry out this first and vital step we have decided that we have to
create an organization which will centralize the movement and we have called it
the Temporary Central Committee. The Committee that was elected for the
Preparation of Congress has dissolved itself(its duties finishjed) and has
transferred its powers to this committee as the result of the meetings we held
on this issue.
This centralization which the Committee will help us
achieve is vital because until the establishment of the Communist party we must
determine our shared stance and our favored courses of action, and this will
also be instrumental in allowing as to hold talks with the other revolutionary
group and communities, and also will help us gather the masses that look up to
the organization around one unifying target and one unifying course in which we
shall reach this target. We must not in the process forget the unifying class
struggle, but we must get together with the other communists in meetings and
after having decided on a shared program and a shared internal structure of the
party, we must unify our cadres.
In this process of unification the program and the
internal structure that the party has or will have must be open to argument and
we must contribute to this debate using our own distinct past experience. In
this unification process we must unify our praxis and theory by publishing new
materials in shared institutions. The main object of this shared publishing
will of course be to encourage open and shared debate about the main structure
of the party, which will in itself make a unified participation in the class
struggle in the party that much easier.
For us the Turkish communist party is not a new
version of the old TDKP were the old cadres meet. It is something much
different, it is a congregation of communists who believe in the importance of
a class party, unifying for a common effort to reach this goal. Our only go at
this point is to ardently defend a party structure and party program that will
encapsulate and will unify all the communists in the country. It is only under
the expressed condition of the shared party ideals and a shared idea of the
party structure that a healthy unification can take place for all the
communists. We should not repeat the mistake of overhastily and prematurely
creating a party just for the sake of creating the party
As The Organization responsible for this Rebuilding
within the tradition of the TDKP we feel it is our mission to satisfy the
following aims:
In direct contradiction to all the so called communist
parties and organizations we know that
it is the explicit and duty of the communists to organize the working
class, the toiling masses and the youth.
This promise can only be carried out if communists struggle to create a
true revolutionary communist party which will make this organization possible.
It is also the duty of the communists to organize party conferences and
meetings were the party can express its will in the ideological and political
sphere.
After this moment all members and organs will use the
signature the Turkish Revolutionary Communist Party-The Rebuilding and Reorganization
Committee (TDKP-YİO).
We as the TDKP-YIO, and in conjunction with our old
newspaper the Sound of the Revolution, are settling on this new initiative of
building a new revolutionary Marxist-Leninist communist party, which will
ensure that we keep actively within the class struggle. This initiative however
in no way bars us from working in unity with other
Our stance against the other revolutionary groups and
organizations and against communist individuals can be characterized by
unification of our practice in the process of formulating a shared program and
rules and regulations of the party not forgetting total freedom in the areas of
agitation and propaganda directed towards the masses.
We believe that this stance will free up the
constraints of every individual structure when it is fighting to win over its
own cadres in addition to easing up and clearing the way for a more common and
unified praxis within the new party.
The nature of oru political work will be defined by
this ongoing effort of both trying to carry on the class struggle, and also
creating a class based communist party that will faithful both to its
proletariat class and to its cadres(the communist revolutionaries). The
development and acceptance of a unifying program will make the political line
of this party more cogent and clear to everyone.
This preliminary report we
are publishing is a first step in this movement. It should not be taken as an
effort on our part to add new members to our organization. It is only a step in
the direction of formulating an understandable cogent and unifying program and
regulation which will make possible the formation of a Marxist Leninist Communist
Party which will become the center of the class struggle.
YORUMLAR